14.7.2008
The
best indication of a terrorist outfit's failure to get out
of a cul-de-sac it fights its way into is an offer of a
truce. When it is strong and cocky, it doesn't give a tinker's
damn about peace; it unleashes hell on others. But, when
it sees the writing on the wall, it waves an olive branch
tied to a gun barrel hoping that its enemies would fall
for the trick.
This
exactly is what the LTTE is reported to have done. According
to a statement attributed to LTTE political wing leader
Nadesan, it has become amenable to a ceasefire all of a
sudden! This has come as no surprise. A ceasefire is the
only hope for the LTTE, which is being encircled in the
Wanni. The history of its armed struggle shows it sues for
peace every five or six years to gain a boost for its war
effort.
Having
carried out its first major attack on the military in 1983,
the LTTE formally entered into a ceasefire with the Premadasa
government in 1989 and their honeymoon lasted till June
the following year. After the PA formed a government in
1994, the LTTE, having lost a part of the Eastern Province
due to a military campaign by the Wijetunge government,
lured the Kumaratunga government into accepting its offer
of a truce, which it torpedoed in 1995 by sinking two naval
gunboats in the Trincomalee harbour. Prabhakaran made peace
overtures again in 2001 and signed a Norwegian drafted CFA
with the UNF government the following year.
The
last truce, unlike the previous ones which had lasted only
a year or so, dragged on despite serious violations thereof
by the LTTE for about five years. Its extraordinary life
span was due to three factors: The post 9/11 anti-terror
drive by the leading western nations and the attendant apprehension
on the part of all terrorists groups the world over, the
2004 tsunami disaster, which had a heavy toll on the LTTE
and, most of all, the benefits that accrued to the outfit
from CFA such as some legitimacy for its macabre cause through
peace talks held in foreign capitals, freedom of movement
and opportunity for arms smuggling and infiltration.
The
LTTE would still have been benefiting from its wish-granting
CFA, while violating it with impunity, having scuttled peace
talks in 2003 under the UNF government, unless the present
regime had abrogated it officially last year after the LTTE
plunged the country back into war in 2006 by capturing the
Mavil Aru reservoir.
One
may think war is the only means through which the LTTE has
sought to achieve its goal of separation. But, 'peace',
too, has become part of its strategy, as evident from the
punctuation of its war effort by ceasefires.
Until
2006, the war had been fought according to the LTTE's time
table. When it wanted war, governments responded militarily
and when it sued for peace, governments naively reciprocated
its peace offers. Thus, it was able to bring about a discontinuity
in State military policy under successive governments. In
1989, the LTTE managed to make the Premadasa regime depart
from JRJ government's and India's military campaign. In
1994/95, it succeeded in making the Kumaratunga government
abandon the military strategy of the Wijetunga regime, which
was doing something similar to what is being done by the
Rajapaksa government at present -- liberating the East and
moving northwards. (Ironically, the then Prime Minister
Ranil Wickremesinghe, who is opposing war today, was chairing
the National Security Council meetings under President D.
B. Wijetunge!) In 2001, after the UNF's victory, the LTTE's
peace overtures caused the Wickremesinghe government to
bid farewell to its predecessor's war effort.
The
present military campaign against the LTTE has become successful,
as it is not being conducted according to the LTTE's timetable.
The
LTTE at present is in the same predicament as the army in
1999, when the latter's camps fell like nine pins. Today,
the LTTE camps have become fixed targets vis-…-vis
a highly motivated and well-equipped army forging ahead
on four fronts. The Tigers are badly cornered with their
supply routes being blocked effectively. For the first time,
they have lost control of the East and Jaffna at the same
time and are facing an advancing army in the Wanni with
the Air Force and the Navy on the offensive.
Until
a few months ago, the LTTE boasted that the army was stretching
its legs far too wide in the Wanni and it would learn a
'bloody lesson' in time to come. But, today theLTTE supporters
have changed the tune. Now they are arguing that the LTTE
cannot be wiped out, as it has the capability to survive
as a typical guerrilla movement. They have chosen to ignore
the fact that the LTTE no longer enjoys the support of the
populace as manifest in the absence of volunteers to fight
for it. It has had to forcibly recruit the young and the
old alike as cannon fodder. As we pointed out in a previous
comment, resentment of the people under the LTTE's jackboot
is only too well known. This is what the University Teachers
for Human Rights (Jaffna) the UTHR (J) has said about the
public mood in the LTTE-held terrain: "Several LTTE
leaders who deal with the people know the extent of resentment
and the curses uttered out of their hearing. Instances of
popular jubilation have also been reported when air force
bombers hit an LTTE target. At a place 12 miles north of
the frontline, a senior LTTE leader told some friends, `Should
the Army advance this far, the people would rebel against
us!" -- UTHR (J) Special Report No: 28, Dec. 04, 2007.
Thus, it may be seen that conditions prevailing in the Wanni
are far from favourable to the LTTE.
No
wonder Prabhakaran has decided to swallow his pride and
offer a truce. The only way the LTTE can break free from
the mounting military pressure is to get a truce, regroup,
rearm and make a comeback in the areas from which it has
been banished, under the false pretext of doing 'political
work'.
The
LTTE demonstrated that it was not interested in peace making
yet another time in 2003 by unilaterally walking away from
peace talks while a robust peace process was in place with
the UNF government pandering to Prabhakaran's whims and
fancies.
The
LTTE needs to be asked some questions as regards its truce
offer: Is it willing to give up Eelam? Will it abandon its
ISGA demand? Will it eschew violence and desist from truce
violations? And is it amenable to a peace process to be
conducted according to a timeframe with independent monitors?
Courtesy:
The Island |